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Lawson believes the fallout from ambiguous abortion policies could have a significant impact on Kentucky families. In the near future, she may also have to argue cases she’d never expected, determining, for instance, whether frozen embryos could be considered humans in divorce cases. Kentuckians knew the game of abortion politics long before Roe fell. For years, there have only been three abortion providers in the entire state and a dearth of ob-gyns per capita. But now the game has new rules that even the experts don’t understand. Take a look at Amendment 2 on the November ballot, the proposal to ban constitutional protections for abortions in Kentucky, and you’ll have a hard time making out the difference between yes and no—no matter what side you’re on. “It reads like it’s purposefully confusing,” Lawson says.

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After a short-lived block on the state’s trigger law, abortions once again became illegal in Kentucky this month. As in Kansas, abortion access in Kentucky now comes down to the vote on the constitutional amendment, a decision that could present dangerous repercussions for many pregnant people. Katima Smith-Willis, 26, stands on the steps of the Kentucky capitol. A single tear travels the length of her humidity-glossed cheek as she wraps an arm around her friend. Her friend clutches a microphone, knuckles white, her voice cracking as she recounts the rape she survived 36 days prior to the rally Smith-Willis organized to fight the abortion ban. On a typical day, Smith-Willis is up at 6 a.m. for work. She’s been organizing demonstrations for racial justice ever since a fellow Frankfort, Kentucky, resident was filmed calling her dog the N-word for eating her keto meal—this, in the midst of the state’s reckoning with the killing of Breonna Taylor in 2020. Smith-Willis had had enough. Her advocacy around abortion access and maternal health is similarly personal. After suffering a miscarriage in 2020, she was forced into a C-section during her second pregnancy after 27 hours of labor. “Black women are already the first target—no matter what,” Smith-Willis says in response to the Roe decision. “If this is overturned, then our Black maternal death rate is going to skyrocket.”

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Kentucky is ranked the worst state in the U.S. for maternal mortality, which disproportionately affects Black and rural women; nationally, Black women are already three times more likely to die during childbirth than white women are. On the day Roe was struck down, Smith-Willis scheduled an appointment to get her tubes tied at Central Baptist Hospital. When she had tried to get an appointment before, she was told she had to be 27 with two kids. When she tried again this time, the rules had become inexplicably stricter: She had to be 29 with at least three kids. The experience felt like yet another sign of the state’s control over her body. Smith-Willis’s experience has only further fueled her engagement with the pro-choice movement. She speaks at local rallies and joined the state’s ACLU Breaking Barriers Council, a program that educates Kentuckians about reproductive justice, now more pertinent than ever with the proposed amendment on the horizon. Smith-Willis isn’t the only woman terrified of the legal door that the Roe decision has swung wide open. There’s a strong sense among locals, advocates, and lawyers that the ploy to ban abortion is only the first in a long line of rollbacks on progressive policies.

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